<\/p>\n\n\n\n
K\u0131br\u0131s meselesi, on y\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcregelen kal\u0131pla\u015fm\u0131\u015f retoriklerin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7erek, bug\u00fcn Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019in sertle\u015fen jeopolitik ikliminde stratejik bir baraj hatt\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f durumdad\u0131r. Antalya Diplomasi Forumu\u2019ndan yans\u0131yan kareler ve devletin zirvesinden y\u00fckselen kararl\u0131 sesler, adan\u0131n art\u0131k sadece iki toplumun sosyal uyumu \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7 merkezlerinin b\u00f6lgedeki varolu\u015fsal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden okunmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a teyit etmektedir. Say\u0131n Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n “iki ayr\u0131 halk, iki ayr\u0131 devlet” vurgusuyla per\u00e7inledi\u011fi bu yeni d\u00f6nem, Ankara\u2019n\u0131n adadaki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131k ge\u00e7ici bir g\u00fcvenlik \u00f6nlemi olarak de\u011fil, Mavi Vatan doktrininin ayr\u0131lmaz ve tavizsiz bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak konumland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilan\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak bu ilan, beraberinde b\u00f6lgesel ittifaklar\u0131n da saflar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131na neden olmaktad\u0131r; nitekim D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 Say\u0131n Hakan Fidan\u2019\u0131n \u0130srail-Yunanistan-GKRY hatt\u0131ndaki askeri yak\u0131nla\u015fmay\u0131 b\u00f6lge i\u00e7in do\u011frudan bir tehdit olarak nitelemesi, adan\u0131n g\u00fcneyinde \u015fekillenen “anti-T\u00fcrkiye” blokla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 kritik seviyeyi g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu stratejik ku\u015fatma denemesi sadece b\u00f6lgesel akt\u00f6rlerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmamakta, okyanus \u00f6tesi g\u00fc\u00e7lerin aday\u0131 devasa bir “ileri karakol” olarak kodlamas\u0131yla yeni bir boyut kazanmaktad\u0131r. ABD\u2019nin, tarihsel olarak s\u0131\u011f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130ngiliz \u00fcslerine duydu\u011fu g\u00fcveni sorgulamaya ba\u015flayarak Rum kesimindeki askeri tesisleri modernize etmesi ve on y\u0131llard\u0131r uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 silah ambargosunu kald\u0131rmas\u0131, K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019\u0131 bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm platformundan ziyade Orta Do\u011fu operasyonlar\u0131 i\u00e7in ikamesiz bir lojistik \u00fcsse d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme niyetini if\u015fa etmektedir. Rum liderli\u011finin bu askeri tahkimat\u0131 Schengen hayalleri ve Bat\u0131 sistemine tam entegrasyon \u00e7abalar\u0131yla maskeleme gayreti, asl\u0131nda adan\u0131n bir savunma mimarisinden \u00e7ok, bir askeri operasyon sahas\u0131na evrildi\u011finin somut bir g\u00f6stergesidir. Sahadaki bu devasa askeri ve diplomatik hareketlilik kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, adan\u0131n i\u00e7indeki baz\u0131 kesimlerin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu hakl\u0131 ve stratejik duru\u015funu “yay\u0131lmac\u0131” bir perspektifle ele\u015ftirmesi ya da hala miad\u0131 dolmu\u015f federal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm parametrelerinde \u0131srar etmesi, ne yaz\u0131k ki de\u011fi\u015fen d\u00fcnya d\u00fczenini ve b\u00f6lgedeki varolu\u015fsal tehditleri okumaktan uzak bir ill\u00fczyondan ibarettir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Oysa ger\u00e7eklik, Pakistan gibi dost \u00fclkelerle kurulan askeri diplomasi k\u00f6pr\u00fclerinden, Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler\u2019in “ara b\u00f6lge” \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc o klasik fakat sahadaki askeri ger\u00e7eklikler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda etkisiz kalan arabuluculuk \u00e7abalar\u0131na kadar \u00e7ok daha karma\u015f\u0131k bir spektrumda seyretmektedir. Bug\u00fcn K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019ta \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn anahtar\u0131, art\u0131k sadece toplumlar aras\u0131 bir uzla\u015f\u0131 metninde de\u011fil; Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n adadaki askeri i\u015ftah\u0131 ile T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin stratejik bekas\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki o keskin denge noktas\u0131nda gizlidir. M\u00fczakere masalar\u0131 yar\u0131n yeniden kurulsa dahi, o masan\u0131n alt\u0131ndaki haritalar art\u0131k toprak tavizleri \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, deniz yetki alanlar\u0131 ve hava hakimiyeti gibi “egemenlik haklar\u0131” \u00fczerinden \u00e7izilecektir. K\u0131br\u0131s, art\u0131k bir ada meselesi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ve T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n Akdeniz\u2019deki kalesi, Do\u011fu Akdeniz havzas\u0131ndaki hak ve menfaatlerimizin ise en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kalkan\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir. Bu yeni realiteyi kavramadan yap\u0131lacak her t\u00fcrl\u00fc analiz, tarihin ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 k\u00fcrek \u00e7ekmekten \u00f6teye gitmeyecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
K\u0131br\u0131s meselesi, on y\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcregelen kal\u0131pla\u015fm\u0131\u015f retoriklerin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7erek, bug\u00fcn Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019in sertle\u015fen jeopolitik ikliminde stratejik bir baraj hatt\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f durumdad\u0131r. Antalya Diplomasi Forumu\u2019ndan yans\u0131yan kareler ve devletin zirvesinden y\u00fckselen kararl\u0131 sesler, adan\u0131n art\u0131k sadece iki toplumun sosyal uyumu \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7 merkezlerinin b\u00f6lgedeki varolu\u015fsal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden okunmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a teyit etmektedir. Say\u0131n Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":102,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-97","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/97","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=97"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/97\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":103,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/97\/revisions\/103"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/102"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=97"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=97"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=97"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}