K\u0131br\u0131s Sorunu, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler literat\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn en konforlu ve bir o kadar da en statik k\u00fct\u00fcphanesidir. Yar\u0131m as\u0131rd\u0131r ezberlenmi\u015f kavramlar, s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kal\u0131n \u00e7izgilerle \u00e7izilmi\u015f tezler ve her masadan kalk\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda tekrarlanan diplomatik s\u00f6ylemler… Ancak bug\u00fcn, adan\u0131n kuzeyindeki liderlik parametrelerinin KKTC Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Tufan Erh\u00fcrman ekseninde yeniden \u015fekillenmesi, Ankara\u2019n\u0131n esnek ama ge\u00e7i\u015fken olmayan diplomasi duru\u015fu ve BM Genel Sekreteri Ant\u00f3nio Guterres\u2019in g\u00f6rev s\u00fcreci tamamlanmadan kal\u0131c\u0131 bir ba\u015far\u0131ya imza atma arzusu, ezberleri alt\u00fcst eden yeni bir soruyu masan\u0131n tam ortas\u0131na b\u0131rakt\u0131: K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019ta iki devletli \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm ile federasyon aras\u0131nda, iki taraf\u0131n da reddedemeyece\u011fi hibrit bir y\u00f6netim sistemi mi do\u011fuyor?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
2017\u2019de Crans-Montana m\u00fczakere s\u00fcrecinin neticesiz kalmas\u0131, 1974\u2019ten beri y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen “iki b\u00f6lgeli, iki toplumlu klasik federasyon” modelinin de yap\u0131sal \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fc tamamlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131, siyasi e\u015fitli\u011fin Rum y\u00f6netimi taraf\u0131ndan hi\u00e7bir zaman kurumsal bir refleks olarak sindirilemeyece\u011fini g\u00f6rd\u00fc ve hakl\u0131 olarak “egemen e\u015fitlik” ile “uluslararas\u0131 e\u015fit stat\u00fc” zeminini tek oyun plan\u0131 haline getirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ancak buradaki en b\u00fcy\u00fck metodolojik hata, egemen e\u015fitli\u011fin sadece “iki ayr\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet ve mutlak ayr\u0131l\u0131k” olarak okunmas\u0131yd\u0131. Oysa uluslararas\u0131 hukuk ve anayasa teorileri bize g\u00f6sterir ki egemenlik, yaln\u0131zca duvarlar \u00f6rmek i\u00e7in de\u011fil, yetki payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda kimsenin kimseye tabi olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tescillemek ad\u0131na g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir pazarl\u0131k kozu olarak da kullan\u0131labilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bug\u00fcn masada yeni bir dinamik var. Say\u0131n KKTC Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Tufan Erh\u00fcrman\u2019\u0131n K\u0131br\u0131s T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131 ad\u0131na ortaya koydu\u011fu 4 maddelik m\u00fczakere metodolojisi (siyasi e\u015fitli\u011fin \u00f6nceden kabul\u00fc, ucu a\u00e7\u0131k olmayan takvim, yak\u0131nla\u015fmalar\u0131n teyidi ve masan\u0131n devrilmesi halinde stat\u00fckoya d\u00f6n\u00fclmeme g\u00fcvencesi), asl\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc konfor alan\u0131 olarak kullanan Rum liderli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 kurulmu\u015f muazzam bir diplomatik kapand\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Guterres liderli\u011findeki BM kulislerinde uzun s\u00fcredir konu\u015fulan “yarat\u0131c\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler” (creative solutions) ifadesi, art\u0131k ete kemi\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Geleneksel federasyonlar\u0131n merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmeti tahkim eden yap\u0131s\u0131 yerine; merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetin yetkilerinin neredeyse sembolik d\u00fczeye indirildi\u011fi, d\u0131\u015f politika ve AB ili\u015fkileri gibi k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 alanlar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda t\u00fcm asli kurucu yetkilerin iki devlete b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 “Gev\u015fek Federasyon” ya da daha net bir akademik tan\u0131mla “Merkezi Zay\u0131f Ortakl\u0131k” modeli art\u0131k en ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i alternatif haline gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nitekim G\u00fcney K\u0131br\u0131s Rum Y\u00f6netimi\u2019nin (GKRY) en b\u00fcy\u00fck endi\u015fesi de bu merkezi zay\u0131f yap\u0131n\u0131n bir sabah anayasal bir referandumla resmi bir konfederasyona, oradan da kademeli olarak iki kesin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlete evrilmesi ihtimalidir. Tam da bu gerek\u00e7eyle, Avrupa Birli\u011fi ve Ada \u00fczerinde egemenlik m\u00fccadelesi veren di\u011fer k\u00fcresel akt\u00f6rler; Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019deki enerji jeopoliti\u011finin, deniz yetki alanlar\u0131n\u0131n ve egemenlik krizlerinin NATO\u2019nun g\u00fcney kanad\u0131n\u0131 etkisiz hale getirmesini engellemek ad\u0131na bu “ara form\u00fcle” bir can simidi gibi sar\u0131lmaya haz\u0131rd\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
G\u00fcn\u00fcn sonunda kabullenilmesi gereken ortadaki net ger\u00e7ek \u015fudur: K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019ta art\u0131k ne 1960\u2019\u0131n \u00fcniter anayasal modeline d\u00f6n\u00fclebilir ne de Annan Plan\u0131 d\u00f6neminin federasyon tezleri yeniden hayata ge\u00e7irilebilir. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nem; iki taraf\u0131n siyasi e\u015fitli\u011fini ve g\u00fcvenlik kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6zellikle de T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin garant\u00f6rl\u00fck stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn devam\u0131n\u0131 ayn\u0131 onda kar\u015f\u0131layacak, federasyon g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcml\u00fc fakat ruhu iki devletli olan yepyeni bir anayasal mimariyi do\u011furacakt\u0131r. K\u0131br\u0131s, uluslararas\u0131 hukuka yeni bir devlet modeli arma\u011fan etmenin tam e\u015fi\u011findedir. Masadaki soru art\u0131k “Federasyon mu, \u0130ki Devlet mi?” sorusu de\u011fildir; as\u0131l soru, “Bu ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz yeni ortakl\u0131k modelinde kurucu iradelerin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 ne kadar geni\u015f olacak?” sorusudur.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
K\u0131br\u0131s Sorunu, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler literat\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn en konforlu ve bir o kadar da en statik k\u00fct\u00fcphanesidir. Yar\u0131m as\u0131rd\u0131r ezberlenmi\u015f kavramlar, s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kal\u0131n \u00e7izgilerle \u00e7izilmi\u015f tezler ve her masadan kalk\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda tekrarlanan diplomatik s\u00f6ylemler… Ancak bug\u00fcn, adan\u0131n kuzeyindeki liderlik parametrelerinin KKTC Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Tufan Erh\u00fcrman ekseninde yeniden \u015fekillenmesi, Ankara\u2019n\u0131n esnek ama ge\u00e7i\u015fken olmayan diplomasi duru\u015fu ve BM Genel Sekreteri […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":120,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-119","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/119","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=119"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/119\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":121,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/119\/revisions\/121"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/120"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=119"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=119"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/busrauzehan.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=119"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}